From harelb Wed Jul 22 00:20:41 1992 To: map@pencil.cs.missouri.edu,activ-l@umcvmb.bitnet,alt-activism@ucbvax.berkeley.edu Reply-To: 75300.3112@CompuServe.COM Subject: "A Democratic Party That Isn't" (Op-Ed) "What it lacked was any sense of participative democracy. [...] DNC Chair Ron Brown told an ABC Nightline audience in December that he hoped to eliminate half of the candidate field after the first primary in New Hampshire, and to have only one candidate left after Super Tuesday, March 10 "But before Ron Brown and the DNC congratulate themselves on their success, I suggest that they pause to consider the consequences of their actions." ********************************* A DEMOCRATIC PARTY THAT ISN'T by Stephen C. Smith ********************************* The Democratic National Convention, a week-long info-mercial for Bill Clinton, was a TV extravaganza rivaled in glitz and glamour only by an Academy Awards broadcast. It was Made-For-TV politics. Democratic Relief. What it lacked was any sense of participative democracy. If it should lead to Bill Clinton's election this November, it portends the probability that future Democratic presidential candidate selections will follow the same strategy of exclusion. This scripted event culminated a carefully managed and narrowly focused presidential candidate selection process mapped out last fall by the Democratic National Committee. DNC Chair Ron Brown told an ABC Nightline audience in December that he hoped to eliminate half of the candidate field after the first primary in New Hampshire, and to have only one candidate left after Super Tuesday, March 10. This strategy's intent was to select one candidate quickly, who the DNC's spin doctors would transform into a mythic warrior who would vanquish George Bush in November. This scenario, however, purposely excluded most of the registered Democrats in this country from having a meaningful say in choosing their party's nominee. Among the many states left with no significant voice in the primaries were California, New York, Illinois, Michigan, Ohio, Pennsylvania and New Jersey. These represented seven of the nine largest Democratic delegate states, and one-third of all Democratic delegates. Overall, about two-thirds of the delegates were to be selected after Super Tuesday. The cynical brilliance of Ron Brown's plan was that it would create the illusion of "momentum" for his candidate. With most of the candidates out of the race, the one leading a winnowed field couldn't help picking up a greater percentage of the delegates. Ron Brown's plan worked almost to perfection. Bill Clinton, who once chaired the party's centrist Democratic Leadership Council, was the only "insider" candidate enjoying early substantive support within the DNC. Sure enough, despite early questions about his integrity and fidelity, Clinton outlasted his lesser known and lesser connected rivals to emerge as the front-runner after Super Tuesday. If Jerry Brown hadn't stubbornly refused to withdraw from the campaign, Ron Brown's plan would have been executed flawlessly. Clinton exploited the weeks before the convention to rehabilitate his image. He began with an appearance on Arsenio Hall, where he donned sunglasses and played the saxophone. Next was a nationally televised town hall meeting, bypassing the media to deliver his message directly to the voters. And while George Bush and Ross Perot spat at one another, Clinton sensibly stood quietly on the sidelines. Bush and Perot sank in the polls; Clinton rose. Clinton's rehabilitation was completed by the prime-time variety show masquerading as a political convention, carried by virtually every media outlet. As Ohio announced its delegates' support for Clinton --clinching his nomination -- the networks cut to mini-cams showing the Clinton family in Macy's, as if they were out shopping during all of this. The Clintons exited Macy's into the street, where on cue hundreds of supporters waved "CLINTON" signs. The Clintons rode in a stretch limo (not unlike the President's) to Madison Square Garden, where a camera followed them through the inner corridors towards the convention floor. The camera dramatically swung forward to show Clinton's perspective, a door swinging open to the floor, where thousands of well-rehearsed delegates cheered madly. A spotlight -- in fact, a star -- shone where Clinton was to emerge. An entrance worthy of Bruce Springsteen. An ABC News Poll showed that Clinton left the convention with an 29- point lead in the polls over Bush. Ross Perot dropped out of the race, citing his inability to win "now that the Democratic Party has revitalized itself." The prime-time spectacle even KO'd the blustery billionaire. But before Ron Brown and the DNC congratulate themselves on their success, I suggest that they pause to consider the consequences of their actions. If not for Perot's political ineptitude, a nationwide independent campaign could have very well foiled the DNC's plan. Millions of voters turned to Perot not out of any admiration or deep conviction in his beliefs, but simply because he was another choice. Many of those voters were registered Democrats who felt they had been denied a substantive choice within their own party. The DNC also distanced itself from its traditional heritage as the bastion of progressive liberal change. Its faulty assumption was that the dreaded "L-word" would never sell to a majority of voters. Apparently, it never occurred to the DNC that the reason liberal candidates have failed in recent campaigns was that they lacked the political stature, strategic competence or personal integrity to appeal to the electorate, not necessarily a popular message. To bury the "L-word," the DNC sought to impede progressive liberal candidates. Larry Agran lacked the national stature of Jerry Brown, so he was quickly dismissed by the media and could not appeal over the DNC to the voters. But Brown, ever the political chameleon, embraced his newly found outsider status to run against the monied interests that control not only the DNC but most of D.C. politics. As the other candidates dropped out, Brown almost wrecked the DNC's strategy, but lacked both the financial resources and any deep personal resonance with the voters to overtake Clinton. Still, Brown insisted that, as the candidate with the second-highest number of delegates, he be allowed to address the convention. Once again, Ron Brown tried to silence him. Jerry addressed the convention only by forcing the issue -- collecting the signatures required under party rules to place his name in nomination. Should Bill Clinton win in November, I fear that this exclusionary process will set the standard for future Democratic primaries. A moribund party cannot be resurrected simply by painting rouge on the corpse. Candidates have always enjoyed a temporary surge in the polls after a convention. If Clinton sincerely wants to salvage the Democratic Party, instead of trying to silence dissenting voices he should have insisted that Jerry Brown and Larry Agran address the convention. It would have demonstrated to alienated voters that Clinton is indeed a man capable of broad support. Instead, he uses against the liberal wing of his own party the same politics of division practiced by the GOP in 1988. Right now, the Democratic Party isn't very democratic. Already there are signs that the Republicans will exploit this handicap. Fred Malek, Bush-Quayle campaign manager, said on NBC's Meet the Press that the GOP's convention, unlike the Democrats', will be "a party of inclusion." Bill Clinton says he wants change. The question is, a change to what? * * * * * Stephen C. Smith is a political consultant. He served as the Issues Director for the Agran for President campaign. ################################################################## From: Agran for President <75300.3112@CompuServe.COM>