This file contains Larry Agran's answers to questions posed to the presidential candidates by the American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee. For more information about the ADC, contact: American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee 4201 Connecticut Avenue, NW Suite 500 Washington, DC 20008 (202) 244-2990 For more information about the Agran campaign, call Agran 92 at (800) 727-9425 or send E-Mail to one of these on-line addresses: CompuServe 76150,1170 GEnie AGRAN92 Prodigy KBVR23A Peacenet agran92 [That's "76150.1170@compuserve.com" and "agran92@igc.org" from the InterNet -- Harel] ################################################################## REPLIES OF LARRY AGRAN TO THE AMERICAN-ARAB ANTI-DISCRIMINATION COMMITTEE QUESTIONNAIRE I. Civil Rights: 1. While the Civil Rights Act of 1991 has been enacted into law, debate exists on its interpretation and other civil rights issues remain. A) Should ethnic minority groups be protected under the law to the same degree as racial minority groups? Yes. B) Do you support minority business status for Arab-Americans for purposes of Sec. 8(a) of the Small Business Act, 15 U.S.C. Sec. 637(a)? Yes. 2. Hate crimes against minority groups are on the rise. In 1990-91, during the Gulf war, a record number of hate crimes were perpetrated against the Arab-American community and other persons of Southwest Asian background. As President, what would you do to stem the growth of hate violence against members of racial, ethnic and religious minority groups? First of all, we need a President who doesn't use ethnic and racial division as a political tool, as has Mr. Bush. I would be a President who would challenge the ethnic stereotypes and prejudicial attitudes spread by not just hate groups, but those who would exploit such myopic beliefs for their own personal benefit. While civil rights legislation is important, it takes leadership from the White House to make it stick. Just as John F. Kennedy did in the 1960s, I would direct the Attorney General to assume as highest priority the enforcement of all civil rights laws, and to draft legislation in those areas where improvement is needed. 3. On October 11, 1985 ADC West Coast Regional Director Alex Odeh was killed in a terrorist bombing. Suspects in the case are currently in Israel. Israel has not fully cooperated with United States law enforcement officials in this case. As President, what action would you take to resolve this murder and bring justice for the Odeh family? I am, sadly, quite familiar with the Odeh murder, as it occurred in the city of Santa Ana, California, the city adjacent to my home town of Irvine. The Odeh murder shocked not just Santa Ana, but Irvine and all of Orange County. There have been many times when the United States has gone the extra mile to assure the extradition of suspects wanted by Israel for suspicion of terrorism. The door should swing both ways. If the evidence warrants extradition of the suspects in the Odeh case, then I would personally request that Israel send them back to the United States for trial. If Israel refuses, I would tell them that they could not expect American assistance in the future to extradite terrorism suspects they want taken into custody. 4. In recent years, governmental investigative agencies have conducted programs targeting the Arab-American community (including FBI questioning of Arab-American business and community leaders during the Gulf War) which, in our view, violate the constitutional rights of Arab-Americans. A) In your opinion, should race and/or ethnicity be used as criteria by any law enforcement agency to determine which persons are to be questioned in connection with its investigations? No. B) What steps would you take to curtail infringements on constitutional rights and to guarantee and enforce First Amendment and civil rights protections for U.S. citizens, including Arab-Americans? In the case of FBI questioning of Arab-Americans, I would have called to the White House the Director of the FBI and demanded that he cease groundless interrogation of Arab-Americans simply because of their ethnic heritage. In general, I would charge the Attorney General with ensuring that all federal law enforcement agencies adhere to the fundamental legal principle requiring probable cause for interrogation of suspects and banning random searches. II. Immigration: 1. Many members of the Arab-American community are recent immigrants to the United States or have relatives from abroad who visit. Consequently, the community takes a keen interest in immigration issues. A) In your opinion, are non-citizen visitors and permanent residents of the United States entitled to the same Bill of Rights protections that apply to citizens? Yes. B) In particular, should non-citizens enjoy the right to free speech and the freedom from arbitrary search and seizure by all law enforcement agencies including the Immigration and Naturalization Service? Yes. 2. Currently, consular officers have sole discretion over visa matters. A) Would you support administrative or judicial appeal in visa cases? Yes. B) Should aliens, who are otherwise eligible to enter or remain in the United States, be excluded or deported from the U.S. because of their political views? No. III. Human Rights 1. The U.S. State Department and human rights organizations, e.g. Amnesty International, have documented repeated severe human rights violations by Israel's occupying forces against Palestinians including, inter alia, collective punishment, administrative detention, and expulsion. A) In view of this, what policies would you initiate to secure basic human rights for Palestinians living under military occupation? Foreign aid to any nation -- as well as "most favored nation" trading status -- should be linked to that country's fundamental respect for human rights. The U.S. and Israel are close, strong allies, but human rights violations are detrimental to that alliance. Therefore, it is in the United States' interest to diplomaticallly and politically pressure Israel -- as well as any Arab or other nation -- engaging in such abuses to respect the human rights of all citizens. B) Based on Israel's continued violation of human rights conventions and international law, would you implement a review of U.S.-Israel aid and trade relations as is required by U.S. law, including the Foreign Assistance Act? Yes, but I would implement such a review for any nation violating such conventions and laws. This would apply equally to Israel, Arab nations, China, or any other nation engaging in human rights abuses. 2. Israel's recently stepped up settlement activity in the occupied territories has been condemned under international law and is characterized by the United States as an obstacle to regional peace. Israel is able to persist in this illegal expansion into the occupied territories only through the massive assistance provided by the United States. A) According to public opinion polls, 85% of the American people supported the President in delaying consideration of the Israeli request for $10 billion in loan guarantees. Given this opinion of the American people and worsening domestic economic conditions, would you support the loan guarantees? I have called for Israel, as part of the Middle East peace process, to halt settlements in the West Bank. (I've also called for an end to the Arab boycott of Israel.) I would support the loan guarantees for construction within the internationally recognized borders of Israel. (Incidentally, I would favor similar loan guarantees to Arab nations and others as an important tool of humanitarian and economic assistance.) If Israel were to continue placing settlements in the West Bank, I would halt the loan guarantees, especially if the Arab nations were willing to reciprocate by ending their boycott. B) If yes, would you make your support contingent on a complete freeze on all Israeli settlement activity in the West Bank, including Jerusalem, the Gaza Strip and the Golan Heights? Yes. C) With budgetary sacrifices already made by Americans, what budgetary sacrifices do you believe Israel should make before the U.S. continues to provide such extraordinary levels of aid? "Budgetary sacrifices" by Israel are not directly relevant, as the aid being discussed is in the form of loan guarantees. Loans are paid back with interest. Given the general level of hostilities in the Middle East, I would promote Israeli cuts in military spending, with reciprocal cuts by Arab nations. I do not, however, regard such measures as a "sacrifice." D) Would you support similar loan guarantees for general obligation bonds of U.S. states, municipalities, school districts, and other tax levying entities, as called for in H.R. 355? Yes. E) If you support the loan guarantees, would you support a strong audit requirement to ensure that Israel does not use funds freed from its other pressing needs by these loan guarantees to fuel settlement activity in the occupied territories? Yes. However, a better way would be to insist that Israel halt settlements on the West Bank before the loan guarantees would be extended. This would eliminate the need for auditing. 3. An international consensus endorses the Palestinian people's right to national self-determination and statehood. A) As President, would you support Palestinian self- determination and statehood? What steps would you take to affirm the Palestinians' right to self-determination? I support Palestinian self-determination. Statehood is a status that the Palestinians must decide for themselves. This right must be secured as part of the Middle East peace conference process, involving the Palestinians, Israel, and the Arab nations. The United States cannot impose such a settlement, as it would be resented and rejected by all parties. However, the U.S. can become a guarantor of a Middle East peace settlement, either in concert with other nations of under United Nations authority. The U.S. can also insist on fundamental rights for all peoples by using the various economic and diplomatic tools at its disposal. B) If not, why not? N/A 4. There are continuing reports of widespread malnutrition, illness, and an increasing death toll among Iraqi citizens as a result of international sanctions imposed on Iraqi trade. A) As President, would you support any lifting of sanctions on non-military goods in order to allow essential imports to alleviate this situation? I would support this lifting of the sanctions if it can be shown that such supplies are being delivered to the Iraqi people, not to feed and nurture the Iraqi armed forces. B) Would you also agree to lift the freeze on that portion of Iraq's assets frozen in the United States that would pay for these supplies? Yes, provided there is continuing confirmation that the supplies go directly to the Iraqi people, not to the Iraqi armed forces. We must also be prepared to tighten or ease sanctions in response to changing circumstances. C) If not, what humanitarian efforts would you undertake in this regard? While my answer to B) was "Yes," I wish to comment nevertheless. Sanctions unfortunately take time. But they are preferable to the horrors of war. Operation Desert Storm showed that tens of thousands of people can die in a matter of hours. We must be patient and let the sanctions take their course. If Saddam Hussein will permit international intervention through, say, the Red Cross to provide humanitarian assistance, I would do whatever was possible to extend such aid. But if he refuses, then unfortunately we must wait for the sanctions to have the desired effect. Impatience will not bring peace to the Middle East. IV. Foreign Policy: 1. For twenty-five years the United States and the international community have agreed that the final status of Jerusalem must be determined through international negotiations. However, Israel has unilaterally declared Jerusalem its capital and now seeks to create both de facto and de jure recognition for this move. As President, would you maintain the United States Embassy to Israel in Tel Aviv in harmony with international consensus? Yes. 2. In regard to relations between the United States and Lebanon, A) Would you support lifting the ban on American travel to Lebanon and the re-opening of the United States Consulate there? Yes. B) Would you support additional aid to Lebanon? Yes. C) Israel continues to occupy southern Lebanon in violation of international law. U.N. Resolution 425 calls for Israel's immediate withdrawal from Lebanon; what action would you take to enforce this resolution? Israel's withdrawal from Lebanon should be an explicit part of the Middle East peace conference process. Israel historically has shown that it will not bend easily to international pressure. In the spirit of mutual interest that brought Israel to the table, this issue should be one of the subjects negotiated at the conference. 3. As President, would you support Syria's efforts to negotiate the restoration of her national borders by ending Israel's occupation of the Golan Heights? I would support a negotiated settlement that mutually resolved this matter between Israel and Syria. 4. Would you support an increase in aid for poorer Arab countries, even if this meant a decrease in aid to Israel? I have called for an end to all military foreign aid. Peaceful, non-military aid must be weighed on a case-by-case basis. How much Israel or any other country gets is irrelevant. The United States should try to do what it can do to help the less fortunate everywhere. 5. What steps would you take to ensure that Israel, like other U.S. allies, becomes a signatory to the 1968 Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons? Would you support reducing U.S. military aid until this occurs? I support an end to all U.S. foreign military aid to any nation. Regarding the treaty, I believe that the U.S. must lead by example. We must drastically reduce our nuclear arsenal, and negotiate with other nations to do the same. The United States should refuse to provide any kind of technical assistance to Israel, or to any other nation, in any area which could be used to advance the production of nuclear weaponry. Furthermore, the status of nuclear weapons possession and development in the Middle East should be explicitly discussed as part of the Middle East peace conference process.